Sudan: the way forward
03-05-2013 01:29 AM
D. Amir Idris
Brofficr and Head of the Department of African and American Studies
Fordham University - New York
Raises a paper by Dr. confident Kamir tagged "the disintegration of the Sudanese state: the most likely scenario", which recently published newspaper electronic Sudantrbion (in English) on 10 February 2013, questions instigator of thinking and timely too. In fact, the article opens the door for discussion and in-depth dialogue on the benefits and requirements of political reform, especially in a country divided against itself, such as Sudan. The aim of my article this short to add a modest contribution to this dialogue. In recent years, the forces of civil and political, as well as individuals, to provide intellectual contributions ability to enrich the debate and dialogue about the future of the country through the search for a political project comprehensive address the aspirations of all Sudanese. However, unfortunately, it has been marginalized views and opinions of these forces and completely ignored by the dominant political forces. Thus, were kidnapped political dialogue year mainly by two camps politicians: first, those who support the protest movements of armed - and those who know themselves that they are not the "Arabs", "secular" and "democratic", and the second: those who support the current government - and they know themselves as defenders of Islam and Arab culture. And summoned supporters of both camps ethnic and religious affiliations and the interest of achieving regional interests and amplify their political and economic gains. In the context of this attraction, has become "nationalist", printed ethnicity and religion, as the driving force of the controversial political public debate about the future of Sudan. In light of this political polarization sharp, it is difficult for any peace talks to reach a political bargaining or peaceful transition of power, especially with the growing trend of "nationalists" militants amid both sides of the conflict. However, the responsibility for the search for peace and political stability in Sudan lies on the the shoulders of the Sudanese people that we wanted to be for peace and development has deep roots in the country. There is no doubt that the ongoing military confrontations between the central government in Khartoum and the various regional protest movements contrast with the achievement of peace and development. Against the backdrop of this polarimeter, requires to reach a political consensus or a peaceful settlement center or between political actors reconsider the identity and citizenship beyond the perspective of a group to the overall national concept. And demonstrates the political history of many African countries in the post-colonialism that citizenship can be harmful to social development and operations of any political community's political when formulated in accordance with the terms narrow and exclusive to a certain group in this society. They also hinder the process of building a national identity and weaken the loyalty of the individual to the state. Way forward for Sudan requires the enforcement of two bundles of political reforms. First: You must embrace democracy as a comprehensive system of government. In spite of all its weaknesses, the Democratic valid tool by which to translate some of the values and principles, inherent in the concept of citizenship, into reality. For example, the principles and rules governing, such as elections and the right of association and expression and political participation, can provide the basis for the expression of citizenship in shape substantive and real. However, in order to become a successful democratic political project, it must be political reform in the context of a comprehensive process of democratization of all structures of the state and state institutions. For example, it should be for the political reform process to exceed the gap between rural and urban areas, and between the center and the regions, and bilateral state and localities. If the completion of the political reform process successfully, it would grow a new culture of citizenship from the bottom up, supported reform effective official institutions and expand jars democratic practices and values associated to both the community and the state. Secondly: The flip side of reform policies in dealing with the standard ( normative) of citizenship, which may not be guaranteed by the mere establishment of a democratic system of government. Who qualifies to be a Sudanese citizen and who is not qualified? And how is the consolidation of national identity in a multi-ethnic society and religions, and how can the state to attract and retain the loyalty of citizens, are all legitimate questions and correct, and that although it relates to the democratic system, but it also exceeded. There is no doubt, that these questions impact on how you define and the formation of the state, and on how to ensure state policies affecting the daily life of the citizens in a fair, and in a manner not incite groups and sub-identities to challenge the legality of the state in society. Has revealed the events of political violence successive Sudan unveiled memories Buried and societal tensions rooted in the past to be called at the present time. It seems as if the death of Sudan's past violent turmoil continues to be a strong presence in the neighborhood policy. There is no doubt, that the Sudan has been suffering from multiple civil wars over the past several decades. He lost more than two million people lost their lives in the civil war between north and south, as well as hundreds of thousands killed in Darfur, in addition to the thousands of victims in the conflict in South Kordofan and the Blue Nile. Has asked the various national bodies and regional and international organizations, including the International Criminal Court, justice for the victims. Sparked dialogue and debate about justice after civil wars in Africa questions about the intersections between justice and politics and peace. The crystallized in the context of this debate about justice are two schools of each position and point of view. Calls the first school for the application of criminal justice, and hold accountable and punish the perpetrators of crimes. The second school contends the importance of tolerance in return that does not forget these crimes. And tolerance means that there will be no punishment as long as the error has been recognized and Alaanrav. In other words, the exchange of impunity to disclose the truth, with the call for structural reform as a priority for the punishment of individuals. Thus, first school interested in the injustices of the past, while the second emphasizes the school on how to shape the future of all-inclusive after the end of the conflict. In other words, the first opinion focuses on the dead, while giving the second opinion priority neighborhoods. However, involves the concept of political tolerance on criminal justice and restorative, alike. It is easy to see that there is a need to achieve restorative justice because it's easy to forgive when people are recognized crime and pay compensation, but it is important also apply criminal justice because it addresses human emotions driving resentment and hatred, which can be tamed enforcement of legal accountability or Social on persons convicted of Crime. However, the right to strike a balance remains vital to ensure the success of political tolerance and historic compromise. Therefore in the case of Sudan, the excessive emphasis on retributive justice could lead to retaliation and revenge, and then the failure to reach a political settlement. Criminal Justice needs to be a more symbolic act of a legal act. And there can be two types of reconciliation, the first between victims and perpetrators, and the second among the survivors of the conflict, and who should form together a common future. One of the most important lessons of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa is to address it and addressed to both parties involved in the violence, it is not isolated violence Afrikaans for acts of violence committed by blacks in South Africa. Thus, it was black and white together are the victims and perpetrators alike, paving the way to consider both survivors of the cycle of violence in the past.
Therefore, paving the way forward for Sudan can not only be done to build on the future, not the past. The search for citizenship in Sudan requires comprehensive structural reform, including political reform that includes not only the victims, but also perpetrators of violence themselves. The pursuit of criminal justice may close the file on the victims of state violence and armed formations, but excludes and denies others to be part of the comprehensive political reform. In other words, the overall citizenship in essence involves human survivors in the wake of practices of political violence.
03-05-2013 01:29 AM
D. Amir Idris
Brofficr and Head of the Department of African and American Studies
Fordham University - New York
Raises a paper by Dr. confident Kamir tagged "the disintegration of the Sudanese state: the most likely scenario", which recently published newspaper electronic Sudantrbion (in English) on 10 February 2013, questions instigator of thinking and timely too. In fact, the article opens the door for discussion and in-depth dialogue on the benefits and requirements of political reform, especially in a country divided against itself, such as Sudan. The aim of my article this short to add a modest contribution to this dialogue. In recent years, the forces of civil and political, as well as individuals, to provide intellectual contributions ability to enrich the debate and dialogue about the future of the country through the search for a political project comprehensive address the aspirations of all Sudanese. However, unfortunately, it has been marginalized views and opinions of these forces and completely ignored by the dominant political forces. Thus, were kidnapped political dialogue year mainly by two camps politicians: first, those who support the protest movements of armed - and those who know themselves that they are not the "Arabs", "secular" and "democratic", and the second: those who support the current government - and they know themselves as defenders of Islam and Arab culture. And summoned supporters of both camps ethnic and religious affiliations and the interest of achieving regional interests and amplify their political and economic gains. In the context of this attraction, has become "nationalist", printed ethnicity and religion, as the driving force of the controversial political public debate about the future of Sudan. In light of this political polarization sharp, it is difficult for any peace talks to reach a political bargaining or peaceful transition of power, especially with the growing trend of "nationalists" militants amid both sides of the conflict. However, the responsibility for the search for peace and political stability in Sudan lies on the the shoulders of the Sudanese people that we wanted to be for peace and development has deep roots in the country. There is no doubt that the ongoing military confrontations between the central government in Khartoum and the various regional protest movements contrast with the achievement of peace and development. Against the backdrop of this polarimeter, requires to reach a political consensus or a peaceful settlement center or between political actors reconsider the identity and citizenship beyond the perspective of a group to the overall national concept. And demonstrates the political history of many African countries in the post-colonialism that citizenship can be harmful to social development and operations of any political community's political when formulated in accordance with the terms narrow and exclusive to a certain group in this society. They also hinder the process of building a national identity and weaken the loyalty of the individual to the state. Way forward for Sudan requires the enforcement of two bundles of political reforms. First: You must embrace democracy as a comprehensive system of government. In spite of all its weaknesses, the Democratic valid tool by which to translate some of the values and principles, inherent in the concept of citizenship, into reality. For example, the principles and rules governing, such as elections and the right of association and expression and political participation, can provide the basis for the expression of citizenship in shape substantive and real. However, in order to become a successful democratic political project, it must be political reform in the context of a comprehensive process of democratization of all structures of the state and state institutions. For example, it should be for the political reform process to exceed the gap between rural and urban areas, and between the center and the regions, and bilateral state and localities. If the completion of the political reform process successfully, it would grow a new culture of citizenship from the bottom up, supported reform effective official institutions and expand jars democratic practices and values associated to both the community and the state. Secondly: The flip side of reform policies in dealing with the standard ( normative) of citizenship, which may not be guaranteed by the mere establishment of a democratic system of government. Who qualifies to be a Sudanese citizen and who is not qualified? And how is the consolidation of national identity in a multi-ethnic society and religions, and how can the state to attract and retain the loyalty of citizens, are all legitimate questions and correct, and that although it relates to the democratic system, but it also exceeded. There is no doubt, that these questions impact on how you define and the formation of the state, and on how to ensure state policies affecting the daily life of the citizens in a fair, and in a manner not incite groups and sub-identities to challenge the legality of the state in society. Has revealed the events of political violence successive Sudan unveiled memories Buried and societal tensions rooted in the past to be called at the present time. It seems as if the death of Sudan's past violent turmoil continues to be a strong presence in the neighborhood policy. There is no doubt, that the Sudan has been suffering from multiple civil wars over the past several decades. He lost more than two million people lost their lives in the civil war between north and south, as well as hundreds of thousands killed in Darfur, in addition to the thousands of victims in the conflict in South Kordofan and the Blue Nile. Has asked the various national bodies and regional and international organizations, including the International Criminal Court, justice for the victims. Sparked dialogue and debate about justice after civil wars in Africa questions about the intersections between justice and politics and peace. The crystallized in the context of this debate about justice are two schools of each position and point of view. Calls the first school for the application of criminal justice, and hold accountable and punish the perpetrators of crimes. The second school contends the importance of tolerance in return that does not forget these crimes. And tolerance means that there will be no punishment as long as the error has been recognized and Alaanrav. In other words, the exchange of impunity to disclose the truth, with the call for structural reform as a priority for the punishment of individuals. Thus, first school interested in the injustices of the past, while the second emphasizes the school on how to shape the future of all-inclusive after the end of the conflict. In other words, the first opinion focuses on the dead, while giving the second opinion priority neighborhoods. However, involves the concept of political tolerance on criminal justice and restorative, alike. It is easy to see that there is a need to achieve restorative justice because it's easy to forgive when people are recognized crime and pay compensation, but it is important also apply criminal justice because it addresses human emotions driving resentment and hatred, which can be tamed enforcement of legal accountability or Social on persons convicted of Crime. However, the right to strike a balance remains vital to ensure the success of political tolerance and historic compromise. Therefore in the case of Sudan, the excessive emphasis on retributive justice could lead to retaliation and revenge, and then the failure to reach a political settlement. Criminal Justice needs to be a more symbolic act of a legal act. And there can be two types of reconciliation, the first between victims and perpetrators, and the second among the survivors of the conflict, and who should form together a common future. One of the most important lessons of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa is to address it and addressed to both parties involved in the violence, it is not isolated violence Afrikaans for acts of violence committed by blacks in South Africa. Thus, it was black and white together are the victims and perpetrators alike, paving the way to consider both survivors of the cycle of violence in the past.
Therefore, paving the way forward for Sudan can not only be done to build on the future, not the past. The search for citizenship in Sudan requires comprehensive structural reform, including political reform that includes not only the victims, but also perpetrators of violence themselves. The pursuit of criminal justice may close the file on the victims of state violence and armed formations, but excludes and denies others to be part of the comprehensive political reform. In other words, the overall citizenship in essence involves human survivors in the wake of practices of political violence.
Idris@fordham.edu
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