Thursday, 7 August 2014

This is Sudan!!!!!

كرتي وسوار.. هل ينتظران وحيا من السماء
08-07-2014 04:01 AM
محمد لطيف

أكثر من 15 سفارة أجنبية في العاصمة طرابلس أغلقت أبوابها وسعت لإجلاء طواقمها الدبلوماسية ورعاياها بداية من مصر وتونس والجزائر إلى جانب الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، الفلبين، ألمانيا، الصين، البرتغال، اليونان، رومانيا، إيطاليا ومالطا.. القائمة طويلة جدا.. هذا غير البعثات التابعة للأمم المتحدة وبعثة الاتحاد الأوروبي وممثلي ومبعوثي الجامعة العربية والاتحاد الأفريقي والاتحاد الأوروبي.. وأصدرت وزارات الخارجية في تلك البلدان مبرراتها بدواعي الحالة الأمنية في ليبيا وحالة الصراع المسلح التي تجري على الأرض ما انعكس على أمن وأمان المواطن الليبي أولاً ومن ثم الأجانب..

الحدود الليبية مع تونس شهدت حالة نزوح كبيرة للأسر الليبية بلغت حتى الآن بحسب الإحصاءات الحكومية حوالي 30 ألف أسرة.. العديد من المنازل والأملاك احترقت كلها أو أجزاء منها وتتعرض أحياء عديدة لسقوط قذائف عشوائية أدت إلى قتلى وجرحى بالعشرات، علاوة على احتراق خزانات النفط بطريق المطار والتي تنذر بكارثة إنسانية وبيئية.. حالة من السكون والهدوء الحذر تخيم على العاصمة طرابلس في ظل تلاحق الأزمات المعيشية سواء نقص الوقود أو الخبز أو التيار الكهربائي والإمداد المائي، وظلت معظم المحال الخدمية مغلقة إلى جانب المؤسسات الحكومية.. وزارة الصحة الليبية أقرت بعجزها عن مقابلة الحالات المصابة..

في ظل كل ذلك يقول السفير السابق بالسفارة السودانية والقائم بإدارة جهاز شؤون المغتربين السيد حاج ماجد سوار إن الوضع في ليبيا لا يستحق أن يتم بموجبه إجلاء السودانيين كون الأسر والرعايا المقيمين في ليبيا يصل عددهم إلى مائتي ألف شخص بعضهم اندغم أو أصبح جزءا من النسيج الاجتماعي..

نعم، السودانيون غير مستهدفين ولكنهم ليسوا بمنجاة عن جحيم الاقتتال ودونك الأسر الليبية التي نزحت الآن نحو تونس والتي وجدت فرصة سانحة للهرب من البلاد اتقاءً للنيران.. فما بال السودانيين الذين لا يملك بعضهم ثمن تذكرة السفر كون أمواله موجودة عند صاحب العمل الذي غادر البلاد.. أو الذي لا يملك الوثيقة الرسمية التي غالباً ما تكون تحت يدي صاحب العمل؟.. ولماذا تظل الدبلوماسية السودانية تكابر على عكس كل الدول التي رأت في الوضع الليبي أزمة مستفحلة لا يمكن التنبؤ بها؟.. ترى هل هو عجز الخارجية السودانية في التواصل مع الدولة الليبية؟.. أم هو بطء الأداء في الدولة السودانية وعدم القدرة على التعامل مع الأزمات؟

الواقع الآن على الأرض يؤشر إلى المزيد من التداعيات وعلى رئاسة الجمهورية أو الخارجية السودانية العمل على إجلاء السودانيين وبرغبتهم في العودة إلى أرض الوطن للعيش بسلام.. الواقع الآن يخالف ما قاله السيد حاج ماجد سوار عن الوضع في ليبيا سواء في طرابلس أو بنغازي، ولسنا أقل كرامة من الدول التي تعرف اللحظة المناسبة وتقدر سلامة مواطنيها.. اللهم هل بلغت.. اللهم فاشهد.

طاهر محمد علي قناة (ليبيا الحرة)..!

هذا هو نص الرسالة أو قل النداء الذي أطلقه طاهر محمد علي.. وطاهر قبل أن يكون بقناة (ليبيا الحرة).. هو صحافي سوداني متمرس.. خبر مختلف أشكال وفنون العمل الصحفي.. يعلي من قيمة المهنية ويلتزم الموضوعية.. ولا تحركه أجندة خاصة أو سياسية.. ولا يميل إلى التهريج والتهويل.. إذن ما كتبه طاهر.. ومن موقع الأحداث هو تقرير صحافي مكتمل الأركان لا يحتاج منا إلى إضافة.. نقول فقط وللأسف إن كلا المسؤولين اللذين خاطبهما طاهر وهما وزير الخارجية ومسؤول شؤون المغتربين.. قد اتفقا على أمرين: الأول أن الموقف في ليبيا لا يستدعي إجلاء.. وأن الإجلاء يحتاج إلى قرار رئاسي.. وهنا يبرز تناقض صارخ.. فإما أن الوضع لا يستدعي تدخلا وبالتالي يصبح التعلل بانتظار القرار الرئاسي تزيدا لا معنى له.. وإما أن الأمر في حاجة للتدخل.. وفي هذه الحالة فعلى الوزيرين إعادة العربة إلى خلف الحصان.. فالأصل في القرارات الرئاسية أن تصدر بموجب توصيات من جهات الاختصاص.. فهل رفعت هذه الجهات التوصيات للرئاسة أم أنها تتوقع وحيا يهبط على الرئاسة من السماء لإصدار قرار إجلاء السودانيين من الأراضي الليبية التي بدأ حتى أهلها يخلونها.؟!

اليوم التالي

Thursday, 27 February 2014

Ingazy

Ingazy

02-27-2014 07:19 AM
كمال كرار

أمسك السبحة باليمين وتناول الرشوة بالشمال . إذن أنت إنقاذي

أسرق المال العام دون تأخير وقل جزاك الله خير ، إذن أنت إنقاذي

قف في المؤتمرات وأمام المايكرفونات واعلن عن النفرة الزراعية ، ثم أنفي المزارعين إلي جبل موية فأنت بالطبع إنقاذي

استجلب الجنجويد من السافل والصعيد ، وسميهم قوات التدخل السريع ، لتقتل ناس المرابيع فأنت إذن إنقاذي مية في المية

حطم القطاع العام ، وقل دخلوها وصقيرها حام فأنت إذن إنقاذي

اطرد ناس أمري والمناصير ، ثم أشرب مع أمبيكي شاي العصير ، فأنت إنقاذي ماركة مسجلة

راقب الصحافة وامسح جنينة الحيوانات واقتل الزرافة ، واستورد النبق والجوافة فأنت إذن إنقاذي

ألهف العطاءات ، وجفف المستشفيات ، ولا تدقق في كشف الأموات فأنت إذن إنقاذي

تجول مع المستثمرين المزعومين ، وبيع الأراضي للصينيين ، واقبض العمولة من الطرفين فأنت إذن إنقاذي

ادخل الانتخابات المضروبة وقل أنا سليل زوبة اللهلوبة فأنت إذن إنقاذي من بيت الكلاوي

وقع الإتفاقيات مع أحزاب التوالي ، وقل لهم إنتو دايماً علي بالي ، ثم أرسل الكشة لبائعات التسالي ، واسجن ناس الطبالي فأنت إنقاذي حتي النخاع .

خلي التعليم بالقروش ، وخصص الأموال للجيوش ، وعين مستشارك لاطش بن ملطوش فأنت إنقاذي بن إنقاذي

اضرب المظاهرات بالنار ، واقتل الصغار والكبار ، وانكر الحقائق والأخبار ، فأنت إنقاذي بن ستين إنقاذي

زيد أسعار البنزين ، وودي القروش للتماسيح والثعابين ، وقول للناس ما تاكلو طين ، فأنت إنقاذي علي السكين .

انبطح للبنك الدولي ، والهف قروش مشروع التروللي ، وانسي موضوع النعجة دوللي فأنت قطع شك إنقاذي

أجلب الفقر للكادحين ، وارسل العسكر للنازحين ، وسبح بحمد القطريين ، وقل لمرسي إنت فين فأنت إنقاذي دون أدني ريبة

بيع المدينة الرياضية ، وقل أنا رئيس الحرامية ، والحس كوعك عند المغربية فأنت إنقاذي لا يشق له غبار .

قل أنا صاحب الحوار ، والحريات دونها الأسوار ، واقبض علي المعارضين ليلاً ونهار ، فأنت إنقاذي من العشرة الكبار

حطم السكة حديد ، وقل هل من مزيد فأنت إنقاذي تمام التمام ، وتابع مسيرك بلا نقطة نظام

جنب الكثير من الأموال ، وقل المال الخبيث من أطيب الحلال ، ولا تقرن الأقوال بالأفعال فأنت إنقاذي دونما جدال .

سبح بحمد الأمريكان ، وصلي علي أحبابهم الأسبان ، ولا تنسي بخور التيمان فأنت إنقاذي باطمئنان .

صدر العجول والنعاج ، ومن قروش الدولة تبقي حاج ، وعلق لافتة تقول ممنوع الإزعاج ، وتأكد أن مصيرك مثل أبو عاج

حين ترمي الحجر وبيتك من زجاج .


الميدان

الإنفصال القادم


الإنفصال القادم
02-27-2014 09:31 AM
سيف الدولة حمدناالله

ليس هناك ما تأسف عليه المعارضة من خسارة حزب الأمة والمؤتمر الشعبي - وقبلهما الحزب الإتحادي - الذين بدأوا في معانقة النظام بالمفتشر بعد أن كانوا يفعلون ذلك في حياء ومن وراء ستار، فكلاهما كان يقف مع المعارضة على أمشاطه وبرِجِل واحدة، فقد إستفاد النظام من معارضة تلك الأحزاب بأكثر مما كسبت المعارضة، ويمكن وصف الأسباب التي ذُكرت في تبرير تحالف هذه الأحزاب مع النظام بأنها نوع من الفهلوة، أنظر - مثلاً -إلى مقدار "الحبرتجية" التي وردت في بيان الحزب الإتحادي الديمقراطي (الأصل) الذي نُشر بالصحف المختلفة يوم السبت 21 فبراير 2014. إذ جاء فيه - بالنص - ما يلي:

" بعد أن ثاب النظام إلى رشده بإقراره دستور تعددي يعترف فيه بالأحزاب التي حظرهاالإنقلاب، و ينص صراحة على الحريات العامة و حقوق الإنسان وعلي الفصل بين السلطات وإستقلال القضاء، و غير ذلك من مكتسبات كانت ثمرة للمقاومة التي قادها الحزب الإتحادي الديمقراطي ضدالخط الأحادي للنظام، فقد كان لزاماً على الحزب أن يواكب التغييرات الكبيرة و الإنتقالإلى مرحلة نضال أخرى تتناسب والمرحلة الجديدة بما يعين على إكمال التحولالديمقراطي وذلك بقبول مبادرة المؤتمر الوطني ....الخ". (فاكهة هذا البيان أن جعل تحقيق هذه "الإنجازات" ثمرة لنضال الحزب).

الحقيقة الصاعقة والتي لم تتحسب لها هذه الأحزاب، أنه من شأن هذا الإتفاق أن يصب الماء على بذرة الإنفصال للمناطق التي تجري فيها الحرب (دارفور وجنوب كردفان وجنوب النيل الأزرق) ويبقى تحقيق ذلك مسألة وقت لا أكثر، ذلك أن مثل هذا التوافق الذي تم بين هذه الأحزاب - في الوقت والظروف والكيفية التي تم بها - لا يمكن أن يفهمه أهالي تلك المناطق سوى أنه تحالف "أولاد البحر" في مواجهة الجبهة الثورية، أنظر - مثلاً - إلى ما قال به إبراهيم السنوسي نائب الأمين العام للمؤتمر الشعبي فور إعلان إتفاق حزبه مع النظام (موقع الشروق 24 فبراير 2014) قال السنوسي: (نحن نطالب الحكومة بأن تقوم بحسم الجبهة الثورية في الميدان وأن الشعب سوف يقف معها).


الحقيقة التي لا تنكرها هذه الأحزاب أنه ليس هناك ما يجمع بينها سوى موقفها العدائي والمعلن للجبهة الثورية، وهي لا تريد أن تفهم - مثلها في ذلك مثل النظام – أن أبناء تلك المناطق ينظرون إلى مقاتلي الجبهة الثورية كأبطال يخوضون الحرب ويقدمون أرواحهم من أجلهم، وعند هؤلاء الأهالي، ظفر واحد من هؤلاء المقاتلين برقبة أكبر كبير في نظام الخرطوم، والأهالي في تلك المناطق يحمّلون النظام - لا الجبهة الثورية - مسئولية المآسي التي يعيشونها نتيجة الحرب، فهي التي تقصفهم بالطائرات والصواريخ والمدافع وهي التي تحرق قراهم ومزارعهم، وهذه حقائق يشهد بها الواقع ونقلتها الصور الفوتوغرافية والمقاطع المصورة. (كشفت منظمة"عاين" الحقوقية في تقرير نُشر هذا الإسبوع أن سلاح الجو السوداني قام منذ أبريل 2012 بإلقاء عدد (1512) قنبلة على مناطق سكنية بجنوب كردفان وحدها).

وما يزيد من تعقيد المشكلة، أن أهالي تلك المناطق يحسبون ما جرى على الشعب لا الأحزاب وحدها، فقد سرقت هذه الأحزاب إسم الشعب فهي - سواء بالحق أو بالباطل - تمثل غالب أهل السودان، وليس لهذه الأحزاب أي تاريخ مُشرّف طوال سنوات الحرب يغفر لها هذه الخطيئة أو يدعو أهالي تلك المناطق لأن يجدوا لها عذراً لهذه الفعلة، فقد وقفت هذه الأحزاب تتفرج على أهالي تلك المناطق وهم يقاسون ويلات الحرب لكل هذه السنوات دون أن تدعوا جماهيرها لتنظيم مسيرة سلمية تطالب بوقف الحرب وعتق رقاب أولئك المساكين، مسيرة إيه، هؤلاء لم يكلفوا خاطرهم حتى بإصدار مناشدة أو بيان بذلك للحكومة، ولم يحدث أن قام أي من هؤلاء المؤتلفين بزيارة الأهالي بالمعسكرات والقرى المنكوبة وهم يختبئون داخل الكهوف وبين شقوق الجبال (حصل هؤلاء الضحايا على عطف ومواساة كثير من الأجانب الذين يتناوبون على زيارتهم بمناطقهم)، في الوقت الذي خرجت فيه - خلال هذه السنوات - عشرات المسيرات الشعبية التي تساند حقوق شعوب أخرى في سوريا وفلسطين ومصر ..الخ (كم عدد المسيرات التي خرجت بدعوة من نقابة المحامين وحدها لمناصرة قضايا الشعوب العربية!!).

من واجب الشعب أن ينقذ وطنه من أيدي هؤلاء العابثين، فليس من المقبول أن نقف نتفرج على وطننا وهو يتسرب من بين أيدينا دون أن نفعل شيئ، أي شيئ، فمثل الحال الذي نعيش فيه اليوم يُشبه - كما سبق لنا القول - حال طائرة يوشك خاطفوها على نسفها، بينما ركابها يطالعون الصحف وهم في انتظار تقديم وجبة الطعام، فقد حان الوقت لكي نهجم على الخاطفين مهما كانت النتيجة وكان الثمن، فلم يعد هناك ما نخسره فالكارثة قادمة قادمة إذا لم نتحرك.

يجب على الشعب (أفراد ومنظمات مجتمع مدني وجماهير الأحزاب) أن يرفع صوته ويتبرأ من هذا الذي يجري بإسمه بواسطة هؤلاء الأرزقية (بحسب ما ورد في الأخبار فإن من نفحات هذا الإتفاق عودة الدكتور علي الحاج في منصب نائب رئيس جمهورية).

لا بد أن يكون الكثيرين قد إستشعروا الفراغ الذي تسبب فيه غياب الحزب الذي نادينا بتأسيسه ليضم كل القوى التي تجلس اليوم على الرصيف والتي يتم تعريفها عن طريق الاستبعاد من الانتماء للاحزاب الاخرى (By elimination)، في الوقت الذي ينطلق فيه حزب غازي صلاح الدين كالصاروخ، ولتكن هذه مناسبة نعيد فيها الدعوة للناشطين من الشباب (بالداخل) ليقوموا بعمل ما عجز عنه آبائهم بتأسيس هذا الحزب الحلم ليكون حزب "المستقبل" المشرق الذي نتطلع له لبناء الوطن الذي نحلم به إن لم يكن لنا فلأجيالنا القادمة.

سيف الدولة حمدناالله
Saifuldawlah@hotmail.com

Saturday, 25 January 2014

26th jan 1885 SUDAN WAS A HEADACHE FOR IMPERIAL ENGLAND.

Fall of KHARTOUM AND THE RISE OF MAHADI
DERWISH GAVE INDEPENDANT TO SUDAN ON 26 JAN. 1885

History of Sudan
Battle of Khartoum
Madhists defeat Egyptians
This city, defended by an Egyptian garrison under General Gordon, was invested by the Mahdi in the early part of 1884, and, after a gallant defense, was stormed January 26, 1885. The forerunners of the relieving force, consisting of the river gunboats under Lord Charles Beresford, arrived off the city on the 28th, two days too late, and after a brief engagement with the Mahdist batteries, returned down the river.
FORDHAM UNIVERSITY
Islamic History Sourcebook:
Alfred Egmont Hake:
The Death of General Gordon at Khartoum, 1885

[Tappan Introduction] In I882 there arose in the Soudan, a province of Upper Egypt, one Mohammed Ahmed, who called himself the Mahdi or Messiah, and invited all true believers to join in a holy war against the Christians. Thousands of wild tribesmen flocked to his banner, and in the following year he annihilated an army of eleven thousand English and Egyptians that had attempted to subdue the revolt. Rather than send more soldiers to die in the deserts of the Upper Nile, England decided to abandon the province. But first the thousands of Europeans who had taken refuge in Khartoum and other towns of the Soudan must be rescued from their perilous position. In this crisis the Government turned to the one man who could effect the withdrawal if it was still possible, and in January, 1884, appointed General Gordon to superintend the evacuation of the Soudan.
GENERAL GORDON arrived at Khartoum on February 18th, and spent his time between that date and the investment on March 12, in sending down women and children, two thousand of whom were sent safely through to Egypt, in addition to six hundred soldiers. It was stated by Sir Evelyn Baring (English consul-general to Egypt) that there were fifteen thousand persons in Khartoum who ought to be brought back to Egypt---Europeans, civil servants, widows and orphans, and a garrison of one thousand men, one third of whom were disaffected. To get these people out of Khartoum was General Gordon's first duty, and the first condition of evacuation was the establishment of a stable government in the Soudan. The only man who could establish that government was Zebehr. Gordon demanded Zebehr with ever-increasing emphasis, and his request was decisively refused. He had then two alternatives---either to surrender absolutely to the Mahdi, or to hold on to Khartoum at all hazards. While Gordon was strengthening his position the Mahdi settled the question by suddenly assuming the offensive. The first step in this memorable siege was the daring march of four thousand Arabs to the Nile, by which, on March 12, they cut off the eight hundred men at Halfaya, a village
to the north of Khartoum, from the city. A steamer was sent down to reconnoiter, and the moment she reached the front of the Arab position a volley was fired into her, wounding an officer and a soldier. The steamer returned the fire, killing five.
Thus hostilities began. "Our only justification for assuming the offensive," wrote General Gordon on March 13, "is the extrication of the Halfaya garrison." The Arabs, however, did not give him the chance. They cut off three companies of his troops who had gone out to cut wood, capturing eight of their boats, and killing or dispersing one hundred to one hundred and fifty men. They intrenched themselves along the Nile, and kept up a heavy rifle-fire. Retreat for the garrison was obviously impossible when the Arab force covered the river, the only line of retreat, with their fire. Twelve hundred men rere put on board two grain-barges, towed by three steamers defended with boiler plates, and carrying mountain-guns protected by wooden mantlets; and, with the loss of only two killed, they succeeded in extricating the five hundred men left of the garrison of Halfaya, and capturing seventy camels and eighteen horses, with which they returned to Khartoum.
The Arabs, however, held Halfaya, and on March 16 Gordon tried to drive them away. Advancing from a stockaded position covering the north front of the town, two thousand troops advanced across the open in square, supported by the fire of the guns of two steamers. The Arabs were retreating, when Hassan and Seid Pashas, Gordon's black generals, rode into the wood and called back the enemy. The Egyptians, betrayed by their officers, broke and fled after firing a single volley, and were pursued to within a mile of the stockade, abandoning two mountain guns with their ammunition---"sixty horsemen defeated two thousand men"---and leaving two hundred of their number on the field. After this affair he was convinced that he could not take the offensive, but must remain quiet at Khartoum, and wait till the Nile rose. Six days later, the black pashas were tried by court-martial, found guilty, and shot.
A very determined attack upon one of the steamers coming up from Berber, at the Salboka Pass, was beaten off with great slaughter, Gordon's men firing no fewer than fifteen thousand rounds of Remington ammunition. Meanwhile, his efforts to negotiate with the Mahdi failed. "I will make you Sultan of Kordofan," he had said on arrival to the Mahdi. "I am the Mahdi," replied Mahomet Ahmet, by emissaries who were "exceedingly cheeky," keeping their hands upon their swords, and laying a filthy, patched dervish's coat before him. "Will you become a Mussulman?" Gordon flung the bundle across the room, canceled the Mahdi's sultanship, and the war was renewed. From that day to the day of the betrayal no day passed without bullets dropping into Khartoum.
Gordon now set to work in earnest to place Khartoum in a defensible position. Ten thousand of the Madhi's sympathizers left Khartoum and joined the enemy. The steamers kept up a skirmishing fight on both Niles. All the houses on the north side of Khartoum were loopholed. A sixteen-pounder Krupp was mounted on a barge, and wire was stretched across the front of the stockade. The houses on the northern bank of the Blue Nile were fortified and garrisoned by Bashi-Bazouks. Omdurman was held and fortified on the west and Buri on the east. On March 25, Gordon had to disarm and disband two hundred and fifty Bashi-Bazouks who refused to occupy stockaded houses in a village on the south bank of the Blue Nile. The rebels advanced on Hadji Ali, a village to the north of the Nile, and fired into the palace. They were shelled out of their position, but constantly returned to harass the garrison. They seemed to Gordon mere rag-tag and bob-tail, but he dared not go out to meet them, for fear of the town. Five hundred brave men could have cleared out the lot, but he had not a hundred. The fighting was confined to artillery fire on one side, and desultory rifle-shooting on the other. This went on till the end of March. The Arabs clustered more closely round the town.
On April 19, Gordon telegraphed that he had provisions for five months, and if he only had two thousand to three thousand Turkish troops he could soon settle the rebels. Unfortunately, he received not one fighting man. Shendy fell into the hands of the Mahdi. Berber followed, and then for months no word whatever reached this country from Khartoum.
On September 29, Mr. Power's telegram, dated July 31, was received by the "Times." From that we gathered a tolerably clear notion of the way in which the war went on. Anything more utterly absurd than the accusation that Gordon forced fighting on the Mahdi cannot be conceived. He acted uniformly on the defensive, merely trying to clear his road of an attacking force, and failing because he had no fighting men to take the offensive. He found himself in a trap, out of which he could not cut his way. If he had possessed a single regiment, the front of Khartoum might have been cleared with ease; but his impotence encouraged the Arabs, and they clustered round in ever-increasing numbers, until at last they crushed his resistance. After the middle of April the rebels began to attack the palace in force, having apparently established themselves on the north bank.
The loss of life was chiefly occasioned by the explosion of mines devised by General Gordon, and so placed as to explode when trodden on by the enemy. Of all his expedients these mines were the most successful and the least open to any accusation of offensive operations. The Arabs closed in all round towards the end of April, and General Gordon surrounded himself with a formidable triple barrier of land torpedoes, over which wire entanglement and a formidable chevaux-de-frise enabled the garrison to feel somewhat secure. On April 27, Valeh Bey surrendered at Mesalimeh, a disaster by which General Gordon lost one steamer, seventy shiploads of provisions, and two thousand rifles.
General Gordon was now entirely cut off from the outside world, and compelled to rely entirely upon his his own resources. He sent out Negroes to entice the slaves of the Arabs to come over, promising them freedom and rations. This he thought would frighten the Arabs more than bullets. On April 26, he made his first issue of paper-money to the extent of ,2500 redeemable in six months. By July 30, it had risen to ,26,000 besides the ,50,000 borrowed from merchants. On the same day he struck decorations for the defense of Khartoum---for officers in silver, silver-gilt and pewter for the private soldiers. These medals bear a crescent and a star, with words from the Koran, and the date, with an inscription,---"Siege of Khartoum,"---and a hand-grenade in the center. "School-children and women," he wrote, "also received medals; consequently, I am very popular with the black ladies of Khartoum."
The repeated attacks of the Mahdi's forces on Khartoum cost the Arabs many lives. On May 25, Colonel Stewart was slightly wounded in the arm, when working a mitrailleuse near the palace. All through May and June his steamers made foraging expeditions up and down the Nile, shelling the rebels when they showed in force, and bringing back much cattle to the city. On Midsummer Day, Mr. Cuzzi, formerly Gordon's agent at Berber, but now a prisoner of the Mahdi's, was sent to the wells to announce the capture of Berber. It was sad news for the three Englishmen alone in the midst of a hostile Soudan. Undaunted, they continued to stand at bay, rejoicing greatly that in one, Saati Bey, they had, at least, a brave and capable officer.
Saati had charge of the steamers, and for two months he had uninterrupted success, in spite of the twisted telegraph wires which the rebels stretched across the river. Unfortunately, on July 10, Saati, with Colonel Stewart and two hundred men, after burning Kalaka and three villages, attacked Gatarnulb. Eight Arab horsemen rode at the two hundred Egyptians. The two hundred fled at once, not caring to fire their Remingtons, and poor Saati was killed. Colonel Stewart narrowly escaped a similar fate.
After July 31, there is a sudden cessation of regular communications. Power's journal breaks off then, and we are left to more or less meager references in Gordon's dispatches. On August 23, he sent a characteristic message, in which he announces that, the Nile having risen, he has sent Colonel Stewart, Mr. Power, and the French consul to take Berber, occupy it for fifteen days, burn it, and then return to Khartoum. All the late messages from Gordon, except a long dispatch of November 4, which has never been published, were written on tissue paper no bigger than a postage-stamp, and either concealed in a quill thrust into the hair, or sewn in the waistband of the natives employed. Gordon seems to have been the most active in August and September, when the Nile was high. He had eight thousand men at Khartoum and Senaar. He sent Colonel Stewart and the troops with the steamers to recapture Berber. A steamer which bore a rough effigy of Gordon at the prow was said to be particularly dreaded by the rebels. OnAugust 26, he reported that he had provisions for five months, but in the forays made by his steamer on the Southern Niles he enormously replenished his
stores. On one of these raids he took with him six thousand men in thirty-four boats towed by nine steamers.
After his defeat before Omdurman, the Mahdi is said to have made a very remarkable prophecy. He retired into a cave for three days, and on his return he told his followers that Allah had revealed that for sixty days there would be a rest, and after that blood would flow like water. The Mahdi was right. Almost exactly sixty days after that prophecy there was fought the battle of Abu Klea.
Stewart had by this time been treacherously killed on his way down from Berber to Dongola. Gordon was all alone. The old men and women who had friends in the neighboring villages left the town. The uninhabited part was destroyed, the remainder was inclosed by a wall. In the center of Khartoum he had built himself a tower, from the roof of which he kept a sharp lookout with his field-glass in the daytime. At night he went the rounds of the fortifications, cheering his men and keeping them on the alert against attacks. Treachery was always his greatest dread. Many of the townsfolk sympathized with the Mahdi; he could not depend on all his troops, and he could only rely on one of his pashas, Mehmet Ali. He rejoiced exceedingly in the news of the approach of the British relieving force. He illuminated Khartoum and fired salutes in honor of the news, and he doubled his exertions to fill his granaries with grain.
On December 14, a letter was received by one of his friends in Cairo from General Gordon, saying, "Farewell. You will never hear from me again. I fear that there will be treachery in the garrison, and all will be over by Christmas." It was this melancholy warning that led Lord Wolseley to order the dash across the Desert. On December 16 came news that the Mahdi had again failed in his attack on Omdurman. Gordon had blown up the fort which he had built over against the town, and inflicted great loss on his assailants, who, however, invested the city closely on all sides. The Mahdi had returned to Omdurman, where he had concentrated his troops. Thence he sent fourteen thousand men to Berber to recruit the forces of Osman Digma, and it was these men, probably, that fought the English relief army at Abu Klea.
After this nothing was heard beyond the rumor that Omdurman was captured and two brief messages from Gordon, sent probably to hoodwink the enemy, by whom most of his letters were captured. The first, which arrived January 1, was as follows: "Khartoum all right.---C. G. Gordon. December 14, I884." The second was brought by the steamers which met General Stewart at Mentemneh on January 21st: "Khartoum all right; could hold out for years.---C. G. Gordon. December 29." On January 26, Faraz Pasha opened the gates of the city to the enemy, and one of the most famous sieges
in the world's history came to a close. It had lasted from March 12 to January 26---exactly three hundred and twenty days.
When Gordon awoke to find that, through the treachery of his Egyptian lieutenant, Khartoum was in the hands of the Mahdi, he set out with a few followers for the Austrian consulate. Recognized by a party of rebels, he was shot dead on the street and his head carried through the town at the end of a pike, amid the wild rejoicings of the Mahdi's followers. Two days later the English army of relief reached Khartoum.

Source
From: Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World in Story, Song and Art, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), Vol. III: Egypt, Africa, and Arabia, pp. 240-249.
Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg
Note: Many Western sources about Islamic countries exhibit what has come to be known as orientalism. The terms used ("Mohammedan" for instance rather than "Muslim"), and the attitudes exhibited by the writers need to be questioned by modern readers.

This text is part of the Internet Islamic History Sourcebook. The Sourcebook is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts for introductory level classes in modern European and World history.
Unless otherwise indicated the specific electronic form of the document is copyright. Permission is granted for electronic copying, distribution in print form for educational purposes and personal use. If you do reduplicate the document, indicate the source. No permission is granted for commercial use of the Sourcebook.
© Paul Halsall, November1998
halsall@fordham.edu

Thursday, 7 November 2013

How the vice president progect the future for the WHOLE SUDANESE NATION.!!!???

Sudan’s VP Taha suggests Bashir could run for a new term
November 6, 2013 (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese First Vice President Ali Osman Mohamed Taha said that the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) will ultimately decide whether president Omer Hassan al-Bashir would run for a new term in 2015 or not.
Bashir, who has been president since staging a coup in 1989, has repeatedly said that he plans to make this term his last. However, last June he appeared to back off from his earlier assertions and hinted that he could run again.
VP Taha said in an interview aired today on Doha-based al-Jazeera TV that Bashir genuinely does not want to apply for a new term.
"I know that he does not want to continue ruling, but the decision is up to the party and the people," he said.
He criticized the reformists within the party who submitted a memo to Bashir saying that they presented no solutions in lieu of lifting fuel subsidies which the government implemented in late September.
Taha went on to say that any respectable political party mandates that its members express their objections from within and not to the public.
The signatories to the petition which included lawmakers and retired army officers, called for reinstating the subsidies due to its "harsh" impact on ordinary Sudanese and demanded that the government prosecute those behind the use excessive violence against protestors.
The violent clashes erupted between demonstrators and security forces following government’s decision to remove fuel subsidies lead to about 84 deaths, according to official figures, although activists, rights groups and opposition parties put the death toll at more than 200.
The signatories also urged Bashir to form a mechanism for national reconciliation comprised of various political forces and assign the economic dossier to a professional national economic team.
"The legitimacy of your rule has never been at stake like it is today" they said in their letter to Bashir which was seen as a direct challenge to the president who is now the country’s longest serving leader.
An NCP commission of inquiry established by Bashir recommended the dismissal of the top reformist figure and ex-presidential adviser Ghazi Salah Al-Deen Al-Attabani along with two other members and the suspension of nine others for one calendar year.
The NCP leadership bureau afterwards endorsed the recommendations and referred the matter to the NCP Shura (consultative) Council to review and issue a binding decision.
Al-Attabani and other dismissed members announced afterwards their intention to form a new party which was downplayed by the NCP as having little significance.
VP Taha said that divergent views in any political body could generate debate and brainstorming but claimed that some do not respect institutional process.
"Our problem [as Sudanese] is that we have no patience on political practice in the framework of institutions. People cannot tolerate that the decision be with institutions and not individuals" he said.
He disclosed that a cabinet reshuffle will be announced within two weeks and that opposition parties may be given major ministerial posts depending on outcome of dialogue with them.
Taha said that Bashir is leading the reform process himself and that the reshuffle is part of that.
He denied that corruption is being protected by the state and stressed that anyone proven to be corrupt will be prosecuted.
Asked about Sudan’s position regarding the ouster of Egypt’s president Mohamed Morsi, Taha reiterated that this is an internal matter.
However he warned that any attempt to exclude Islam or Islamists from the political life will "fail".
"Islam is the way out for the people in the region and we do not care about threats of any party," Taha responded when asked if Cairo could view his remarks as a threat to them.
Sudan’s Islamist government has appeared uncomfortable with the developments in Egypt given the common ideology they shared with Morsi and the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) which brought him to power.
Khartoum insisted that it is neutral to the change in Egypt and that it an internal matter.
(ST)

Saturday, 2 November 2013

The three renegades.

Sudan Islamist scholars form Movement for Change
(Globalpost/GlobalPost)
Sudanese Islamist scholars have formed a National Movement for Change that hopes to lead a search for alternatives to the country's "failed" political system, a member said Thursday.
"We are calling on other people from different political or cultural (groups) or think tanks to join us to try to find a new way for Sudan," Khalid Tigani, one of about 10 members of the group, told AFP.
He said the movement is not a political party and that a convention will later decide what form it will take.
The Movement for Change is the latest sign of public frustration with the 24-year regime of President Omar al-Bashir, who seized power in an Islamist-backed coup in 1989.
Critics have become increasingly vocal since the government in September slashed fuel price subsidies, leading to the worst urban unrest of Bashir's rule.
Security forces are believed to have killed more than 200 demonstrators, many of whom were shot in the head or chest, Amnesty International said.
Authorities reported 60 to 70 deaths, saying they had to intervene when crowds turned violent, attacking petrol stations and police.
Hundreds of people were detained, but the government says most have been released.
Analysts said the spontaneous demonstrations pointed to an urgent need for reform by a government grappling with wars, internal dissent, economic crisis and international isolation.
Tigani said the current government is part of the broken system but "not the whole story".
"We are saying that the old Sudanese political system completely failed," since independence from Britain and Egypt on January 1, 1956, he said.
Since then the country has undergone two popular revolutions and at least seven coups or attempted coups, with interludes of parliamentary government.
Sudan's main opposition leaders have been on the political scene for decades and are widely discounted as alternatives in the current environment.
The country fell into economic crisis after South Sudan became independent two years ago following a peace deal that ended 22 years of civil war.
Khartoum lost billions of dollars in export earnings when the South split with most of Sudan's oil production.
The country ranks near the bottom of international indexes of corruption, human development and press freedom.
Tigani said there is "deep polarisation" in the political sphere.
"We are trying to open a very wide, broad discussion about the whole political experiment of Sudan during the last 60 years," said Tigani, chief editor of the weekly economic newspaper Elaff.
He was an activist in the National Islamic Front party which engineered the 1989 coup.
Creation of the scholars' movement follows a separate announcement last Saturday that more than 30 prominent reformers within the ruling National Congress (NCP) would form a new political party.
The NCP had sought to expel three leaders of the reformist faction after it issued a memorandum to Bashir saying the government's response to the fuel-price protests betrayed its Islamic foundations.
Former presidential adviser Ghazi Salahuddin Atabani was lead signatory to the memorandum.
It sought an independent probe of the shooting of civilians, and a reversal of the fuel price increases.
The reformers also called for "professionals" to take over economic policy, an end to press censorship, and respect for constitutional freedoms including peaceful assembly.
Bashir has said the protests were part of an effort to end his rule, using "agents, thieves and hijackers."
On Monday he told parliament that reform and change "is a daily process for us", and repeated a call for a broad dialogue with all political parties, even with armed rebels who are fighting in the Darfur region as well as South Kordofan and Blue Nile states.
Bashir is wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes, crimes gainst humanity and genocide in the Darfur region.

Friday, 25 October 2013

Discovery


Rare manta ray discovered by Hull team in Sudan
Last updated Thu 24 Oct 2013
A manta ray caught for tagging and samples Credit: Mark Priest/KAUST University
Scientists from The Deep in Hull have discovered the first hybrid manta ray off the coast of Sudan. They travelled to the country as part of a wider research project which is looking for new ways to conserve the species. The creature they found is believed to have parents from different species.
During their trip, experts successfully tagged and released 22 manta rays. They can now be tracked and monitored for 12 months. Genetic samples from one showed characteristics from two species which were previously thought to be reproductively isolated.

Rare manta ray Discovered by Hull team in Sudan
Last updated Thu 24 Oct 2013
A manta ray caught for tagging and samples Credit: Mark Priest / KAUST University
Scientists from The Deep in Hull have Discovered the first hybrid manta ray off the coast of Sudan. They traveled to the country as part of a wider research project Which is looking for new ways to conserve the species. The creatures they found is believed to to have parents from different species.

During Their trip, experts successfully tagged and released 22 manta rays. They can now be tracked and monitored for 12 months. Genetic samples from one Showed Which characteristics from two species were previously thought to be reproductively isolated.