Friday, 30 November 2012

Turabi anima nera del Sudan e SATANA ..............!!!


Sudan .. What future for the Islamic movement?

11-30-2012 01:12 AM
D. Haidar Ibrahim Ali

Under Sudanese Islamists since the origin of the first, avoiding the launch of naming them explicitly Muslim Brotherhood. Some believe that the name Communists paste them, intending to connect them to the difficulties and pursuits that was exposed to the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. So take the first modern Islamic organization 'non-sectarian' Name: Islamic Liberation Movement «1949» and Jemaah Islamiyah. Despite the presence of a small stream was constantly insists on the name of the Muslim Brotherhood, and even today there is a small organization led by Sadiq Abdullah Abdul Majid, who studied in Egypt by the end of the forties of the last century. But the majority of Islamists sided stream Sheikh «Hassan al-Turabi, who has emerged since the mid-sixties after returning from Paris. He chose the name of the Islamic Charter Front »title for the Islamic entity. Later, I took the Islamic Movement name «NIF» after the popular uprising in 1985 and even coming to power in 1989, and left some historic leaders organization in protest against the dominance of «Turabi» intellectual and organizational started early, have rallied to formula organization Aljbhoa loose as a flexible and allows for many join or sympathy and support.

Remained «Turabi permanently at odds with the global organization of the Muslim Brotherhood, due to personal ambition, and his abilities enable him to the leadership of the organization. And was encouraged by some of the Arab Islamists' Abdullah al-Nafisi, for example. Hence the idea came to him to establish «Popular Arab and Islamic Conference in April« »1990 after the Gulf War. He was «Turabi always eager to form Sunni Islamist internationalist« Asalamnturn »like the Comintern in the communist camp, which was rivaled internally because of the competition and one of the most powerful communist parties in the region: the Sudanese Communist Party. World node was entrenched within the Sudanese Islamic movement. This is due to the feeling Bhamchih geography and location. Add to that the sense of the Sudanese intellectuals, various intellectual and political attitudes, that the rest of the Arabs do not give them their rightful place. We must know this historical background and psychological perception of this global momentum that I care about Sudanese Islamists in the output of their eighth in the conference 15-17/11/2012, ignoring stifling internal crises, and Sarven lavishly billion Sudanese pounds «120 guests coming from abroad. What are the political feasibility of this work? Is there a payoff system helps in breaking the siege of failure and crises?

o    Turabi diavolo e il cuore del Sudan neroالترابى الشيطان وقلب السودان الاسود

Thursday, 29 November 2012

Technical government The best for Sudan.


11-28-2012 09:28 PM
Muawiya Yassin *

I am one of the midst of Sudanese who no longer believe anything that he says forum Omar al-Bashir who has ruled Sudan lies, corruption and religious phenotypic quarter of a century ago. Therefore I will not believe that the former security man Salah Gosh has a draft of a coup against al-Bashir. And disbelief caused by the large number of lies men forum Bashir who began their reign in 1989 lie fateful meeting alleging - in gallery familiarize them with their identity after the success of their coup - they just national officers have no affiliation to any third party. The Kzpthm ready to cover that lie promiscuous implementation of the play go-Bashir to the presidential palace as President, and go the former mastermind of the system by Hassan al-Turabi to prison trapped!

However, the story of the alleged coup Gosh reveal an important element: that the issue "is the alternative?" That under Bashir forum and the ousted Islamic movement dead using it for over two decades to thwart Sudanese, and the consolidation of the illusion that they are or flood, present and raging Alawar system in the belly of the house and the ruling party Suri (NCP). Has fueled inside this fragmentation of spoilers Bashir announced that he would not run for the presidency when his current term expires in two years. It was supposed to choose the dead Islamic movement, which was held two weeks ago an alternative candidate. But the question of "who will be the alternative?" Reversed the direction of the wind in the house of the junta.
And revealed that fragmentation within the ruling House (members of the Forum quintet) most of fragmentation inflicted to the territorial integrity of Sudan. It also showed that Anctara horizontally and vertically tearing their party's rules governing who are not their only exclusivity and plundering the country's resources and "Altkoec" on the livelihood of the people. It has become a blatant Following Bashir's announcement referred to, and with a life-threatening illness, the conflict between power centers that are based on tribalism in the management of the battle to stay (President tribe and tribes allied with him against the tribe first vice president and affiliates). And ended the first round from roosters المتأسلمين conflict excluding those who do not base their ethnic backgrounds, such as Dr. Ghazi Salah al-Din, and Second Vice-President Haji Adam, and others.

The more restless creatures Sudanese regime and prattle policies and pollution poles of the wicked with the blood of innocent people, Olqmanm servants of the Islamic civilizational project failed stone issue "is the alternative?". And hit the examples of names such as Sadiq al-Mahdi and Mohammed Osman al-Mirghani. Despite the consensus Sudanese non-partisan - they vast majority - that sincere and Mirghani and their parties who have allegedly become two Aaúlitin closed were not fit to rule the Sudan next, who wants his sons - Chiba and younger - to be pure of Conception partisan interest, and the rule of cronyism and ratios, and to Othat corruption The laws and moral decay.
But do not Sudan, men can lead his ship to safety after removing the tyrant Bashir and his corrupt? Is it necessary to be a variant of the rule of the tyrant full-time party members and leaders of the party work and mastery of tactics survive and overcome the pitfalls of military regimes that betray the country?

And the only logical alternative is a government of technocrats from the honorable people of Sudan who are patient and endured the whips brutal regime in Sudan, and the sons and daughters of Sudan Liberal technocrats who get them to flee to the system diaspora. Thousands of scientific titles campaign who boast their surveys American and European universities, and organizations of the United Nations. Hundreds of them have specialized and T_khassn in what their country needs the most vulnerable, reconstruction and rebuilding and construction and rehabilitation. They are the only guarantee for the establishment of a system society just and fair, and truthful media do not wash brains recipients, and education strong in tune with the needs of the labor market and the requirements of development, and an independent judiciary, and health service provides for the Sudanese poor panacea against tax they pay to the state.

Wednesday, 28 November 2012

The time we had been together for HONEYMOON!!!


Lawyers for "Gosh":   volunteers "!!
11-27-2012 02:35 PM
Seif El Dawla Hmdnaallah
Dailies published news that the strong (100) of lawyers "patriots" who belong to different political parties and rights activists have been formed "to volunteer" to defend the team's security / Salah Gosh, that the Commission held a meeting to discuss the connections that it should take place approaching different for the release of the accused and a plan to defend him.
Indeed, these Mtntaan not volunteers, and extremism recipe does not insult, which means excessive and Alhzelqh and militancy in showing loyalty to principle or belief (in this case the principles of justice and law), there is no denying the right of the accused "Gosh" to counsel for his defense, such a right constitutional and legal not confiscated by hand in the history of Sudan only justice courts "tents" set up by the system, which has been accused belongs as one of the leading symbols throughout the life of the rescue, as it did Snutea prompt justice Islamic courts in the period of application of the so-called Islamic Sharia laws (1983).

Salah Gosh !!!!


In the play of the executioners: Is it time to defend "Salah Gosh"?!
«Loyalty Salah Mohamed Abdel uterus

11-27-2012 12:18 PM

 Walla Salah Mohammed Abdul Rahman

Raised the so-called "the attempt of sabotage or / coup" led by security chief, and adviser Omar al-Bashir for security affairs Previous "Salah Abdallah Gosh Much Ado, and there was news discussion sessions Social (including weddings and solace) in addition to being a center of an ongoing debate in public transportation, not to mention reading and visual media, any time subject.

News was not a surprise, Vaqalh man from the presidency of the notorious and convert it to one of the dozens of advisers and assistants who softest system their on "Omar al-Bashir" and then convert his place later, linked it with what goes on for a long time about the conflict and chaos inside the corridors of the ruling regime, a conflict depicted some Being based mainly on tribal (Hoaigh and Djaliyn) reflecting gendarmerie miserable who arrived to him our situation to govern us clique of climbers and who stick to anything, including "tribe", and because of state policies fought hundreds of thousands of Sudanese in southern Sudan, Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile ; some are likely to controversy based on the historical conflict between the military and civilians of the Islamists in the ruling regime, and many of the rumors and analyzes that are presented here and there.

In any case, these conflicts remain as are internal, and does not mean the Sudanese people directly, offline conflict management corruption, access and persistence in / to power, has not and will not the party to the people and nature of his agenda.

Tuesday, 27 November 2012

24.Novembre1899 recolonizzazione del Sudan.


Mahdi Uprising 1882-1885

Of the causes which led to the reconquest of the Sudan the natural desire of the Egyptian government to recover lost territory, the equally natural desire in Great Britain to "avenge" the death of Gordon were among them the most weighty was the necessity of securing for Egypt the control of the Upper Nile, Egypt being wholly dependent on the waters of the river for its prosperity. That control would have been lost had a European power other than Great Britain obtained possession of any part of the Nile valley; and at the time the Sudan was reconquered (1896-98) France was endeavouring to establish her authority on the river between Khartum and Gondokoro, as the Marchand expedition from the Congo to Fashoda demonstrated. The Nile constituted, in the words of Lord Cromer, the true justification of the policy of re-occupation, and made the Sudan a priceless possession for Egypt.
In 1869 the Suez Canal had opened and quickly became Britain's economic lifeline to India and the Far East. To defend this waterway, Britain sought a greater role in Egyptian affairs. In 1873 the British government therefore supported a program whereby an Anglo-French debt commission assumed responsibility for managing Egypt's fiscal affairs. This commission eventually forced Khedive Ismail to abdicate in favor of his more politically acceptable son, Tawfiq (1877-92).
In the 1850s, the legal systems in Egypt and Sudan was revised, introducing a commercial code and a criminal code administered in secular courts. The change reduced the prestige of the qadis (Islamic judges) whose sharia courts were confined to dealing with matters of personal status. Even in this area, the courts lacked credibility in the eyes of Sudanese Muslims because they conducted hearings according to the Ottoman Empire's Hanafi school of law rather than the stricter Maliki school traditional in the area. The Turkiyah also encouraged a religious orthodoxy favored in the Ottoman Empire. The government undertook a mosque-building program and staffed religious schools and courts with teachers and judges trained at Cairo's Al Azhar University. The government favored the Khatmiyyah, a traditional religious order, because its leaders preached cooperation with the regime. But Sudanese Muslims condemned the official orthodoxy as decadent because it had rejected many popular beliefs and practices.
The Mahdist movement, which was utterly to overthrow Egyptian rule, derived its strength from two different causes: the oppression under which the people suffered, and the measures taken to prevent the Baggara (cattle-owning Arabs) from slave trading. Venality and the extortion of the tax-gatherer flourished anew after the departure of Gordon, while the feebleness of his successors inspired in the Baggara a contempt for the authority which prohibited them pursuing their most lucrative traffic. When Mahommed Ahmed, a Dongolese, proclaimed himself the long-lookcd-for Mahdi (guide) of Islam, he found most of his original followers among the grossly superstitious villagers of Kordofan, to whom he preached universal equality and a community of goods, while denouncing the Turks as unworthy Moslems on whom God would execute judgment.
The Baggara perceived in this Mahdi one who could be used to shake off Egyptian rule, and their adhesion to him first gave importance to his "mission." Mahommed Ahmed became at once the leader and the agent of the Baggara. He married the daughters of their sheikhs and found in Abdullah, a member of the Taaisha section of the tribe, his chief supporter. The first armed conflict between the Egyptian troops and the Mahdi's followers occurred in August 1881. In June 1882 the Mahdi gained his first considerable success. The capture of El Obeid on 17 January 1883 and the annihilation in the November of an army of over 10,000 men commanded by Hicks Pasha (Colonel William Hicks, formerly of the Bombay army), made the Mahdi undisputed master of Kordofan and Sennar. The next month, December 1883, saw the surrender of Slatin in Darfur, while in February 1884 Osman Digna, his amir in the Red Sea regions, inflicted a crushing defeat on some 4,000 Egyptians at El Teh near Suakin. In April following Lupton Bey, governor of Bahr-el-Ghazal, whose troops and officials had embraced the Mahdist cause, surrendered and was sent captive to Omdurman, where he died on the 8th of May 1888.
On learning of the disaster to Hicks Pasha's army, the British government (Great Britain having been since 1882 in military occupation of Egypt) insisted that the Egyptian government should evacuate such parts of the Sudan as they still held, and General Gordon was despatched, with Lieut.-Colonel Donald H. Stewart, to Khartum to arrange the withdrawal of the Egyptian civil and military population. Gordon's instructions, based largely on his own suggestions, were not wholly consistent; they contemplated vaguely the establishment of some form of stable government on the surrende, and among the documents with which he was furnished was a firman creating him governor-general of the Sudan.
General Charles "Chinese" Gordon, a soldier who had success in dealing with the Chinese and so was of renown for his abilities, was sent to lead the Egyptian forces against the Sudanese dervishes. The British had ignored the training of the Egyptian forces andwhile the Gladstone administration made a symbolic gesture of sending a leader of somerenown and experience against third world forces, General Gordon was left to his own devices. Since he was leading an army that was largely untrained and pressed into service against a motivated religious movement, Gordon, despite his extraordinary personal efforts, was doomed. His repeated requests for resupply and reinforcements were ignored.
Gordon reached Khartum on the 18th of February 1884 and at first his mission, which had aroused great enthusiasm in England, promised success. To smooth the way for the retreat of the Egyptian garrisons and civilians he issued proclamations announcing that the suppression of the slave trade was abandoned, that the Mahdi was sultan of Kordofan, and that the Sudan was independent of Egypt. He enabled some thousands of refugees to make their escape to Aswan and collected at Khartum troops from some of the outlying stations.
By this time the situation had altered for the worse and Mahdism was gaining strength among tribes in the Nile valley at first hostile to its propaganda. As the only means of preserving authority at Khartum (and thus securing the peaceful withdrawal of the garrison) Gordon repeatedly telegraphed to Cairo asking that Zobeir Pasha might be sent to him, his intention being to hand over to Zobeir the government of the country. Zobeir, a Sudanese Arab, was probably the one man who could have withstood successfully the Mahdi. Owing to Zobeir's notoriety as a slave-raider Gordon's request was refused. All hope of a peaceful retreat of the Egyptians was thus rendered impossible.
The Mahdist movement now swept northward and on the 20th of May Berber was captured by the dervishes and Khartum isolated. From this time the energies of Gordon were devoted to the defence of that town. After months of delay due to the vacillation of the British government a relief expedition was sent up the Nile under the command of Lord Wolseley. It started too late to achieve its object, and on the 25th of January 1885 Khartum was captured by the Mahdi and Gordon killed.
Colonel Stewart, Frank Power (British consul at Khartum) and M. Herbin (French consul), who (accompanied by nineteen Greeks) had been sent down the Nile by Gordon in the previous September to give news to the relief force, had been decoyed ashore and murdered (Sept. 18, 1884). The fall of Khartum was followed by the withdrawal of the British expedition, Dongola being evacuated in June 1885. In the same month Kassala capitulated, but just as the Mahdi had practically completed the destruction of the Egyptian power, he died, in this same month of June 1885. He was at once succeeded by the khalifa Abdullah, whose rule continued until 1898, when his army was completely overthrown by an Anglo-Egyptian force under Sir H. (afterwards Lord) Kitchener.
The Mahdi had been regarded by his adherents as the only true commander of the faithful, endowed with divine power to conquer the whole world. He had at first styled his followers dervishes (i.e. religious mendicants) and given them the jibba as their characteristic garment or uniform. Later on he commanded the faithful to call themselves ansar (helpers), a reference to the part they were to play in his career of conquest, and at the time of his death he was planning an invasion of Egypt.
He had liberated the Sudanese from the extortions of the Egyptians, but the people soon found that the Mahdi's rule was even more oppressive than had been that of their former masters, and after the Mahdi's death the situation of the peasantry in particular grew rapidly worse, neither life nor property being safe. Abdullah set himself steadily to crush all opposition to his own power.
Mahommed Ahmed had, In accordance with the traditions which required the Mahdi to have four khalifas (lieutenants), nominated, besides Abdullah, Ali wad Helu, a sheikh of the Dogheim and Kenana Arabs, and Mahommed esh Sherif, his son-in-law, as khalifas. (The other khalifaship was vacant having been declined by the sheikh es Senussi. Wad Helu and Shcrif were stripped of their power and gradually all chiefs and amirs not of the Baggara tribe were got rid of except Osman Digna, whose sphere of operations was on the Red Sea coast. Abdullah's rule was a pure military despotism which brought the country to a state of almost complete agricultural and commercial ruin. He was also almost constantly in conflict either with the Shilluks, Nuers and other tribes of the south; with the peoples of Darfur, where at one time an anti-Mahdi gained a great following; with the Abyssinians; with the Kabbabish and other Arab tribes.
In the country under his dominion the khalifa's government was carried on after the manner of other Mahommedan states, but pilgrimages to the Mahdi's tomb at Omdurman were substituted for pilgrimages to Mecca. The arsenal and dockyard and the printing-press at Khartum were kept busy (the workmen being Egyptians who had escaped massacre). Otherwise Khartum was deserted, the khalifa making, Omdurman his capital and compelling disaffected tribes to dwell in it so as to be under better control. While Omdurman grew to a huge size the populatioa of the country generally dwindled enormously from constant warfare and the ravages of disease, small-pox being endemic. The fanaticism with which the Mahdi had inspired his followers remained almost unbroken to the end. Mahdism as a vital force in the old Egyptian Sudan ceased, however, with the Anglo-Egyptian victory at Omdurman.
The wonderful progress political, economical, and social which Egypt had made during British occupation, together with the revelation in so strong a light of the character of the Khalifa's despotism in the Sudan and the miserable condition of his misgoverned people, stirred public opinion in Great Britain, and brought the question of the recovery of the Sudan into prominence.
A change of ministry took place in 1895, and Lord Salisbury's Cabinet, which had consistently assailed the Egyptian policy of the old, was not unwilling to consider whether the flourishing condition of Egyptian finance, the prosperity of the country and the settled state of its affairs, with a capable and proved little army ready to hand, did not warrant an attempt being made to recover gradually the Sudan provinces abandoned by Egypt in 1885 on the advice of Mr Gladstone's Government. Such being the condition of public and official sentiment, the crushing defeat of the Italians by the Abyssinians at the battle of Adowa on 1st March 1896, and the critical state of Kassala held by Italy at British suggestion, and now closely invested by the dervishesmade it not only desirable but necessary to take immediate action.
On 14 March 1896 Major-General Sir H. Kitchener, who succeeded Sir Francis Grenfell as Sirdar of the Egyptian army in 1892, received orders to reoccupy Akasheh, 50 miles south of Sarras, and to carry the railway on from Sarras. The railway reconstruction, under Lieutenant E.P. Girouard, RE., pushed southward; and a telegraph line followed the advance. At the commencement of the campaign the Egyptian army, including reserves, consisted of 16 battalions of infantry, of which 6 were Sudanese, 10 squadrons of cavalry, 5 batteries of artillery, 3 companies of garrison artillery, and 8 companies of camel corps, and it possessed 13 gunboats for river work.
By the end of June the railway was advanced beyond Akasheh, and headquarters were at Kosheh, 10 miles farther south. Cholera and fever were busy both with the North Staffordshire Begiment at Gemai, whither they had been moved on its approach, and with the Egyptian troops at the front, and carried off many officers and men. The railway reached Kosheh early in August; the cholera disappeared, and stores were collected and arrangements steadily made for a farther advance. Dongola was bombarded by the gunboats and captured by the army on 23 September 1896. The dervish Dongola army practically ceased to exist, and the principal sheiks came in and submitted to the Sirdar. The Dongola campaign was over, and the province recovered to Egypt.
The railway up the right bank of the Nile was continued to Kermah, in order to evade the difficulties of the 3rd Cataract; but the Sirdar had conceived the bold project of cutting off the great angle of the Nile from Wadi Haifa to Abu Hamed, involving nearly 600 miles of navigation and including the Fourth Cataract, by Tae Sudan constructing a railway across the Nubian desert, and so bringing his base at Wadi Haifa within a few hours of his force. The railway reached Abu Hamed on the 4th November, and was pushed rapidly forward along the right bank of the Nile towards Berber.
The dervish army reached Nakheila on 20 March 1896, and entrenched themselves there. After several reconnaissances, in which fighting took place with Mahmud's outposts, it was ascertained from prisoners that their army was short of provisions and that great leakage was going on. Kitchener, therefore, did not hurry. Mahmud's camp, after an hour's bombardment on the morning of 08 April, was stormed with complete success. Mahmud and several hundred dervishes were captured, 40 emirs and 3000 Arabs killed, and many more wounded; the rest escaped to Gedaref. The Sirdar's casualties were 80 killed and 472 wounded. Preparations were now made for the attack on the Khalifa's force at Omdurman.
On the 1st September the army bivouacked at Egeiga, on the west bank of the Nile, within 4 miles of Omdurman. Here, on the morning of the 2nd September, the Khalifa's army, 40,000 strong, attacked, but was repulsed with slaughter. Kitchener then moved out and marched towards Omdurman, when he was again twice fiercely attacked on the right flank and rear. The 21st Lancers gallantly charged a body of 2000 dervishes which was unexpectedly met, and drove them westward, the Lancers losing a fifth of their number in killed and wounded. The Khalifa was now in full retreat, and the Sirdar, sending his cavalry in pursuit, marched into Omdurman. The dervish loss was over 10,000 killed, as many wounded, and 5000 prisoners. The British and Egyptian casualties together were under 500. The Khalifa's black flag was captured and sent home to the Queen. The power of modern armies had been demonstrated.
The reconquest of Dongola and the Sudan provinces during the three years from March 1896 to December 1898, considering the enormous extent and difficulties of the country, was achieved at an unprecedentedly small cost, while the main item of expenditurethe railwayremains a permanent benefit to the country. The railway, delayed by the construction of the big bridge over the Atbara, was opened to the Blue Nile opposite Khartum, 187 miles from the Atbara, at the end of 1899.

Monday, 26 November 2012

Un Attivista giornalista Sudanese.


البشير على المحك..!!
11-26-2012 02:09 AM
جميل الذيابي

غالبية السودانيين المغتربين الذين أعرفهم شخصياً، أو ألتقيهم في مؤتمرات أو مناسبات، يتمنون رحيل نظام الرئيس عمر البشير عن كرسي السلطة عاجلاً غير آجل بعد أن حكم البلاد نحو 24 عاماً، لم ينجز خلالها ما يحصّن استقرار البلاد سوى السقوط في التبعية والفشل والحصار والعقوبات لبلده والمطاردة الدولية له. والبشير هو الرئيس السوداني الذي وقّع على تشظي السودان إلى «سودانَيْن» شمالي وجنوبي، بفعل ممارساته وسياساته واستفزازاته. وعلى رغم كل ما اقترفه إلا أنه لا يزال يمسك بتلابيب السلطة ويرقص بالعصا، ويتحدى معارضيه في كل محفل، على رغم أن الأوضاع في بلاده سيئة وتزداد تعقيداً، والمستفيد الوحيد كما يرى الزميل معاوية يس هم جماعة «المحفل الخماسي» فقط.

تولّى البشير السلطة إثر انقلاب العام 1989، وتعرّض حكمه لانقلابات مضادة كثيرة، أبرزها الانقلاب الفاشل في رمضان 1990، الذي قبض فيه على 28 ضابطاً، تم إعدامهم جميعاً. وفي نهاية العام 1999، حلّ البشير البرلمان، ليصبح رفيق دربه حسن الترابي أشهر المعارضين لحكومته.

والخميس الماضي، أعلنت الخرطوم إحباط «محاولة» وصفتها بـ «التخريبية»، هدفها اغتيال رموز الحكم، أوقفت خلالها 13 شخصية عسكرية ومدنية محسوبة على التيار الإسلامي الحاكم، أبرزها المدير العام لجهاز الأمن والاستخبارات السابق الفريق صلاح عبدالله قوش.

ومنذ انفصال جنوب السودان في تموز (يوليو) 2011، تشهد البلاد حراكاً من عناصر إسلامية - عسكرية ومدنية - تدعو إلى إصلاحات وإجراء تغيير في تركيبة الحكم، ومراجعة الخيارات السياسية التي أوصلت السودان إلى مرحلة الانشطار، بل يمكن أن يتشظى أكثر.

لا شك في أن ما تطرحه تلك المجاميع الشعبية من مطالبات وإصلاحات وتغييرات ومحاربة للفساد وتسوية الملفات الداخلية، هو ما تطرحه جماعات وأحزاب وتكتلات شعبية في غالبية البلاد العربية، بعضها نجح في انتزاع الحكم والبعض لا يزال يقاوم.

الأكيد أن القصص والروايات القادمة من السودان كثيرة، وغالبيتها تشير إلى أن البشير يحكم السودان بقبضة أمنية، فقبل شهر تقريباً هربت الصحافية سمية هندوسة من قبضة جهاز الأمن بعد تعرضها إلى التعذيب والحرق وحلق شعرها، ووضعت في السجن مع مساجين ذكور يعانون حالات نفسية جراء التعذيب في الزنازين.

الإعلام مثلاً يعاني من انعدام هامش الحرية، وتواجه الصحف الحجب والمنع، وتخضع لنوعين من الرقابة، يصطلح الإعلاميون السودانيون على تسميتهما «الرقابة القبلية» و«الرقابة البعدية». في الحالة الأولى يأتي رقيب من جهاز الأمن والاستخبارات إلى مقر الصحيفة ليراجع الصفحات ويقوم بمهمة «سوبر رئيس تحرير»، فينزع من الأخبار والمقالات ما يشاء، ويغيّر العناوين بالطريقة التي يريدها.

وفي حالة الرقابة «البعدية» يقوم رجال الأمن بحجز الصحيفة في المطبعة ومصادرة العدد، ليلحقوا بالناشر أكبر قدر من الخسائر المالية والمعنوية.

ومع أن السلطة أنشأت مجلساً للصحافة والمطبوعات لضبط أداء الصحف، إلا أن جهاز الأمن والمخابرات هو الذي يتحكّم في الصحف عموماً، رقابة وحظراً ومنعاً واعتقالاً.

وينطبق ذلك على القنوات الفضائية، إذ يسيطر النظام على أكثر من عشر فضائيات، وإذا قرر أي شخص مستقل أو منتمٍ إلى حزب آخر إنشاء قناة فضائية، فإنها تحارب بحجب الإعلانات عنها حتى تختنق وتموت، إذ إن الإعلانات لا تتوافر إلا لدى الشركات المملوكة للحزب الحاكم وجهاز الأمن الوطني.

ولهذا تملك الحكومة قنوات «الفضائية السودانية» و«النيل الأزرق»، و«الشروق»، و«ساهور» (ثلاث فضائيات يملكها شقيق البشير)، و«البحر الأحمر»، و«الخرطوم» و«أم درمان» (يملكها صحافي من رجال الجبهة الإسلامية الحاكمة). وتعاني الصحف غير المملوكة للحزب الحاكم من اختناقات يقف وراءها النظام.

من خلال المتابعة لما يدور في بعض المواقع السودانية الشهيرة، تتكاثر عبارات السخط التي تطالب البشير بتقديم استقالته، وتسليم السلطة إلى الشعب، حتى يُمكن الحفاظ على وحدة البلاد وبناء مستقبل جديد لشعب السودان بكل أطيافه وقبائله وأحزابه. ولفتتني أيضاً دعوات إلى فك الارتباط بين الخرطوم وطهران بعد رسو سفينة إيرانية أخيراً في السودان وقصف إسرائيل لمصنع أسلحة خارج الخرطوم، وتنبيه النظام إلى الابتعاد عن دخول السودان في محاور إقليمية ومعادلات دولية تهدد سيادته ومصالحه. بل إن أحدهم كتب يقول: «إن هم السودانيين حاضراً وتاريخاً ليس إيران بل العرب (مصر والمملكة العربية السعودية والإمارات العربية وبلدان الخليج الأخرى)، ما يستوجب تقوية العلاقات مع الدول العربية لا مع إيران وحلفائها».

الأكيد أن البشير إن لم يرحل قبل فوات الأوان فسيرحل عبر ثورة شعبية أو حركة انقلابية مثلما جاء عبر انقلاب!

Saturday, 24 November 2012

State power struggle!!

A Western diplomat, "can no longer stop the controversy over the succession. Controversy exists and people are wondering about the eligibility of their president"

Bashir is not historically Islamic leader .. Has in fact credentials as an Islamic leader
11-24-2012 02:01 AM
Controversy rages in the Sudan after the arrests related to "plot"

Arrests were another warning to those who might think even within the military, security and hardware and the ruling party also in the search for an alternative to Bashir


KHARTOUM (Reuters) - was the Sudanese Minister of Information one message clear after security officers arrested former Prime Mkhabrathm is that it has been uncovered plot and arrested the defendants and that the situation in the country now "quite stable."

The situation appeared calm in Khartoum on Friday, a day after the arrests, but arrests increased controversy in the dusty streets of the city on the future leader of the country and raised new questions about who may knock them out someday.

The rule of President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, his grip on power for nearly a quarter of a century enjoying the backing of the army and the security services and large segments of the religious.

The speeches usually refers to threats from the outside any of the West and Israel, and the International Criminal Court, which issued an indictment against him in connection with atrocities committed in the Darfur region.

But the man who was arrested on Thursday on charges of conspiring "to cause chaos" is Salah Gosh and former intelligence chief who was once one of the most influential figures in a circle around Bashir and also arrested a number of senior figures from the army and the security services.

Majdi said Jazouli researcher at the Rift Valley Institute Bashir always wary of post opposition groups, but the threat now comes from within, saying that there is a big difference.

Jazouli said that there were signs of disappointment within the army, where he was many who went to wars Bashir in Darfur and in the south are waiting to move the old guard.

He added that there within the regime and the army many want positions where no longer young and said that this is not about reform, but power.

And is also a growing public anger over rising prices and inflation after the secession of southern Sudan last year under a peace agreement, taking with him most of the oil reserves of the state before partition.

Diplomats and analysts in Sudan, told Reuters that they have doubts that those tensions accumulated to become an active attempt a coup.

Friday, 23 November 2012

ALL ARE SOLDERS ......!!!!

Abboud 1958 to Nimeiri Valbshir .. Series not  to be interrupted and revolutions.
History of coups in Sudan
11-23-2012 08:15 AM
London: Mustafa Sri

Modern Sudanese history is full of a lot of military coups, since Sudan's independence in 1956 and until today's date, or 56 years, there were more than 11 coups or coup attempts, and revolutions Hapetan أطاحتا strong military بحكمين. And military rule since independence 45 years spread over three periods coup, compared to 11 years for democratic civilian governments for three periods as well. There were also other coups during periods of military rule and civilians. The team is a coup Ibrahim Abboud in 1958 (6 years), and Jaafar Nimeiri 1969 (16 years), and Omar al-Bashir in 1989 (has been going on for 23 years) is the most prominent in the Sudan.

* Ibrahim Abboud coup 1958 - 1964:

Is the first military coup is located in Sudan to civilian government headed by Abdullah Khalil (of the Umma Party), which took power from the colonial British, was led by the team Ibrahim Abboud in 17 February 1958 and knew a coup senior army officers, where he was handed the Umma Party power to Lieutenant General Abboud.

* Coup, Major General Abdul Wahab 1960 (did not work):

During the reign of Lieutenant General Abboud signed several coups was the most famous coup, Major General Ahmed Abdel Wahab and Mohiuddin Ahmed Abdullah and Abdul Rahim Shannan was in 1960, two years after a coup Abboud, and instead of imprisonment or execution, as is customary in the military governments were absorbed coup in the government.

* Coup group Rashid Tahir:

In 1963 was a good coup Taher Bakr, the first secretary-general of the Muslim Brotherhood, Ali Hamid and Kebedh, was executed 5 of officers and other prison, including coup mastermind Rashid Tahir and former justice minister (did not work).

Junior officers coup Free Officers, a group of whom was submitted Jaafar Nimeiri (who could later of the success of his coup in 1969) and a number of students of the Military Academy and the failure of the coup officers were deported to remote sites from Khartoum where coups being implemented.

* October 12 (October 1964):

The first popular revolution occurring in the Arab world and Africa, having been launched from the University of Khartoum, and flooded the streets of the capital against the regime of Abboud, forcing the leaders of the Sudanese armed forces aligned to the popular revolution that toppled the first military coup witnessed Sudan and ruled the country for six years. To start the second civilian government to rule the country that lasted until May 1969.

* Nimeiri's May 1969 coup:

May 25, 1969 led by Colonel Jaafar Mohamed Nimeiri coup with the participation of the Sudanese Communist Party, Arab nationalists, and continued Nimeiri 16 years in power in and permeated his rule counting coups.

* Hashim coup Ata 1971:

Led by Maj. Hashem Atta on 19 July 1971 with a group of officers belonging to the Sudanese Communist Party. Has seized power for three days is that Nimeiri regained power Libyan support of Muammar Gaddafi and a popular movement at home. The execution of the officers who participated in the coup of whom Hashem Atta and Babiker light gold bracelet and Faruk Osman Hamad God and others and a number of Communist Party leadership Sudanese notably secretary general Abdul Khaliq Mahgoub, and union leader Shafie Ahmed Sheikh and southern leader Joseph Garang incarcerated hundreds of cadres Communists in prison.

* Coup Hassan Hussein (did not work):

Signed on 5 August 1975 and led Hassan Hussein and his squad belongs to the Islamic trend has been sentenced to death by firing squad after he was arrested during a shooting and had his wounds while his arrest.

* Coup Mohamed Nour Saad (did not work):

Signed on the second of July 1977 led by Brigadier Mohammed Nour Saad, and knew in Sudan b «mercenary invasion» where she tried to opposition Patriotic Front abroad a coalition of the Umma Party led by Sadiq al-Mahdi, and the Democratic Unionist leadership late Sharif Hussein Indian, and front Islamic Charter led by Hassan al-Turabi , and with the help of the late Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi. The coup was carried to move from the Libyan border along move their internal groups of students and soldiers in the army. The failure of the coup, the coup leaders were executed by firing squad and saw the streets of Khartoum battles that killed hundreds, mostly from Darfur.

* Uprising (April) and the rule of Field Marshal gold bracelet 1985:

Is the second popular revolution occurring in Sudan and the Arab world and Africa after the October Revolution of 1964, the military ousted ex. The masses came out in all corners of the capital and the region, demanding an end to the rule of Namir, 27 March until April 6, 1985. The Nimeiri had left the United States for medical treatment, has sided with the army, led by the Chief of Staff at the time, Field Marshal Hassan Abdel Rahman gold bracelet for the people on the sixth of April 1985, and was then minister of defense Nimeiri, and sentenced to a year in the transitional period and handed power voluntarily after free elections came Government Sadiq Mahdi elected in 1986.

* Coup President Omar al-Bashir signed on June 30, 1989, led by Brigadier General Omar Hassan al-Bashir and with the participation of the National Islamic Front, led by Hassan al-Turabi, and there have been several coup attempts during which the most famous:

* Coup Ramadan 1990 (did not work) was in April 1990 after a year of coup-Bashir and his Islamic, and I knew that attempt coup Ramadan, where it was again in this holy month, and led the coup Abdelkader Kadero and Khaled Zein and others, have been executed, all the numbers 28 officers from the rank of major general to lieutenant and imprisoned others.

* Coup March 2004 (did not work) is a coup attempt alleged occurred in March 2004 accused the Popular Congress Party, led by Hassan al-Turabi, was arrested on a number of party leaders and some of the officers, and accused Dr. Haj Adam Youssef, Sudanese Vice President present, as a coup leaders , have fled to the Eritrean capital, Asmara, then returned two years later reconciled with the system and was appointed Vice-Bashir.

* Try Khalil Ibrahim 2008 (did not work), an attempt to seize power done by Justice and Equality Movement in May 2008, led by its late leader Dr. Khalil Ibrahim, was a bold attempt, entered these forces from the borders of Darfur to the Sudanese capital to overthrow the government, but the attempt failed and accused the states of Chad and Libya they behind the attempt, was arrested on a number of participants and sentenced to death, but it has not been implemented so far and they are present in a prison «Cooper» famous including Abdel Aziz Nour century, half-brother of Dr. Khalil Ibrahim.

Middle East

Thursday, 22 November 2012

He have seven lives .... could not be toppeled.


Topple Bashir, 22.Nov.2012
This was reportedly at the center of the party press Bashir:

Frustrates security service planned sabotage dawn today
Khartoum (smc)

A source device of the National Intelligence and Security's (SMC) scheme frustrated sabotage dawn today aims to bring about the country's security strikes led by the strong personalities of the opposition.
He said the device under the following workshops planned sabotage seeking to destabilize the country's stability and security and a source revealed that the competent authorities began direct security measures and investigations with civilian and military figures related to the scheme after being arrested.

Wednesday, 21 November 2012

Against the Bashir Government.

عرمان : إذا كان «الربيع» السوداني أتى بالإنقاذ فكيف سيكون الجحيم..!
قال من يريد أن يقنعنا بخلود نظام الإنقاذ عليه أن يقوم بزيارة مصر وليبيا وتونس

11-21-2012 03:15 AM
 لندنمصطفى سري

شنت الحركة الشعبية في شمال السودان هجوماً عنيفاً على مؤتمر الحركة الاسلامية الذي اختتم في الخرطوم السبت الماضي واعتبرته بانه عمق تبعية النظام الحاكم للتحالفات الاقليمية والدولية للحركة الاسلامية الدولية في ما اسمته باستباحة ارض السودان في مشاريع تهدد الامن القومي للبلاد ، داعية شباب الحركة الاسلامية الذين يرغبون في التغيير دفع ثمنه والانضمام الى اسقاط نظام البشير ،في وقت اتهمت الحركة والي جنوب كردفان احمد هارون بشن حملة ابادة جديدة ضد المدنيين باطلاقه ما اسماه بحملة الصيف ضد مقاتلي الجيش الشعبي في جبال النوبة ، في الوقت ذاته دعت الحركة قوى المجتمع المدني الضغط على الحكومة لاعلان السودان منطقة كوراث بسبب الحمى الصفراء في دارفور .

وقال ياسر عرمان الامين العام للحركة الشعبية ان مؤتمر الحركة الاسلامية السودانية الذي اختتم السبت الماضي عمق من تبيعة نظام الخرطوم للتحالفات الاقليمية والدولية للحركة الاسلامية العالمية باستباحة ارض السودان في مشاريع تهدد الامن القومي للبلاد ، واضاف ( هذا يجعل السودان في مواجهة دولية واقليمية بدءاً من جيرانه الاقربين في السعودية والخليج ) ، وقال ( لقد رأى علي كرتي ذلك من شرفة وزارة الخارجية في الخرطوم المطلة على المجتمع الاقليمي والدولي ) ، وتابع ( لقد حذر كرتي اخوته لكنهم يعيشون في عزلة واضطراب وتلاحقهم المحاكم الدولية ) ، واضاف( والمضطر يركب الصعب ) ، وقال ( المطلوب فك الارتباط بين مشاريع حركات الاسلام السياسي الدولية والمصالح الوطنية للشعب السوداني ) ، مشيراً الى ان مؤتمر الاسلاميين لم يناقش اي قضية تهم الشعب السوداني ، وقال ان المتعاركين هم مجموعات مصالح يرى بعضهم انه الافضل في تثبيت اركان النظام وان الطاقم الحاكم الحالي اصبح عبئاً على مستقبل النظام ، واضاف ( هم يقدمون انفسهم كطوق نجاة للشمولية والفساد باسم الاصلاح وبعد ان استخدموا الاسلام يريدون ان يستخدموا قضية التغيير فهل يمكن لاي عاقل ان يراهن على هؤلاء؟ ) .

وقال عرمان ان مؤتمر الحركة الاسلامية قد جسد بحق انسداد افق الاصلاح وانعدام البصيرة ، واضاف ان النظام الذي لا يسمح بمشاركة بطانته في السلطة فمن باب اولى الا يسمح للمتطفلين على سلطته القادمين من خارج الحدود ، وقال ( السلطة اليوم في ايدي شيوخ الفساد والشمولية ومن شدة الطمع فان دائرتها تضيق ) ، واضاف ان عتاة الجبارين من دائرة السلطة المقربة من الرئيس عمر البشير خرجوا منها ، وزاد قائلاً ( ويهتف اخرون تمجيداً للطاغية وانسياقاً مع مزاجه الآمر الناهي ويعود بهم الزمن القهقهري وكأنهم رؤساء اتحادات طلاب في السبيعنيات تزلفاً وحباً في الاوارة ووراثة ملك بنو امية ) ، واردف( والجيش له بالمرصاد وفوق ذلك حسد الاخوة الاعداء) ، واضاف ( اتضح ان حركتهم عصية ومحجبة عن الاصلاح ) ، وقال ان الذين يطلق عليهم الاصلاحيين الجدد لم يسمع منهم موقفاً من الحريات ومكافحة الفساد او الدعوة لوقف الحرب او مطالبة بعودة الديموقراطية ، مشيراً الى ان تلك المجموعة ظلت طوال تاريخها تمد النظام بالحجج ، واضاف ( انهم يتبارون في التشدد في المفاوضات والصراع فيما بينهم لاخذ ملف التفاوض ولم يحركوا ساكناً في البرلمان ضد المفسدين وانتهاكات حقوق الانسان ) ، وقال ( ينحصر اصلاحهم بتولي الامارة والمحاصصات ) .

وشدد عرمان على ان الحركة الاسلامية لا تستطيع ان تتداول السلطة سلمياً في داخلها ، وقال متساءلاً ( كيف لها ان تقبل التداول السلمي للسلطة مع الاخرين ؟ ) ، معتبراً ان الحركة الاسلامية اصبحت اداءة في يد الدولة وقال ( انها لا تلد اناساً الا على شاكلة مهدي ابراهيم ) ، وقد تم اختيار مهدي ابراهيم رئيساً لمجلس شورى الحركة الاسلامية ، واضاف ( من ارد التغيير من شباب الاسلاميين عليه ان يدفع ثمنه ويفرز عيشته وعيشه من النظام الفاسد وينضم الى شباب التغيير في موقف صريح لاسقاط النظام ) ، وقال ( ان الذي يريد ان يقنعنا بخلود نظام الانقاد عليه ان يقوم بزيارة الى بن علي وحسني مبارك وقبر معمر القذافي وان يلتقي علي عبد الله صالح قبل ان يحدثنا عن استحالة التغيير ) ، وتابع ( اذا كان الربيع العربي ياتي بنظام مثل الانقاذ فكيف سيكون شكل الجحيم ؟) ، وقال ان حال الحركة الاسلامية اليوم يغني عن السؤوال ، واضاف ( في بدايات الانقلاب في يونيو 1989 بدأت بمجلس صحابى اربعيني تقلص الان الى خمسة اشخاص بمن فيهم البشير واثنين منهم من المغمورين ) ، وقال ( اختفى بقية الاربعين حرامي دون ان يسال علي بابا ) .

وحول تهديدات والي جنوب كردفان احمد هارون بانه سيحول هذا الصيف جحيماً على الجبهة الثورية التي تخوض حرباً ضد الحكومة السودانية في المناطق الثلاث ( النيل الازرق ، جبال النوبة ودارفور ) ، قال عرمان ان هارون دخل هذه الحرب في جبال النوبة في صيفها الاول بما يزيد عن فرقة ( 14 لواء من المشاة ) مكون من الجيش السوداني ومليشيات الدفاع الشعبي مع (300 ) سيارة محملة بالسلاح ولم يحقق النصر ، واضاف ( في الصيف الثاني جمع هارون 9 الوية ولم يحقق النصر وفي هذا الصيف الثالث فان اخر يدك 6 الوية و60 سيارة محملة وبضع دبابات ) ، وقال ( النتيحة هزيمة ماحقة وحينما تخرج من هذا الصيف من كادوقلي عليك الذهاب الى لاهاي مباشرة ) ، في اشارة الى قرار القبض الذي اصدرته المحكمة الجنائية الدولية ضد احمد هارون لاتهامه بارتكاب جرائم حرب وجرائم ضد الانسانية في دارفور عندما كان وزير دولة في الداخلية عام 2004 .

وقال عرمان ان على هارون الا يهدد الاخرين بالحرب ، واضاف ( لان الاسماك لا تخشى المياه ) ، مشيراً الى ان والي جنوب كردفان اصبح مدده يتناقص وظله يتباعد ، وقال ( على هارون الا يستخدم المدنيين كمدروع بشرية وان يترك لهم خيار مغادرة كادوقلي الى مناطق آمنة ) ، ومعتبراً ان كادوقلي تحولت الى مركز لقيادة الحرب والاعتداء على النازحين ، وقال ( تهديدات احمد هارون من كادوقلي واخوته في الخرطوم تمهيد لتشريد الالاف من المدنيين مجدداً ويجب أخذها على محمل الجد كدعوة لابادة المدنيين ) ، واضاف ( هي استراتيجية ثابتة في المناطق الثلاث في النيل الازرق وجبال النوبة ودارفور ) ، وقال ( يضاف اليها تصريحات رئيس البرلمان احمد ابراهيم الطاهر الذي لا يقول الا ما يجلب رضوان السلطان وتهديده لقوى المعارضة ودول الجوار استراتيجية حمقاء تزيد من تصاعد الضغط على نظامه ) ، واضاف ( هذه على طريقة ان غلبك سدها وسع قدها ) .
 وتطرق عرمان الى كارثة الحمى الصفراء التي تفتك بالمواطنين في دارفور ، داعياً قوى المجتمع المدني السوداني من تصعيد الضغط على الحكومة لاعلان السودان منطقة كوراث بسبب الحمى الصفراء التي تستهدف حياة الالاف من السودانيين لا سيما في دارفور ، وقال ان الصمت في موضوع الحمى الصفراء جريمة تضاف الى جرائم النظام